Corporativismo: differenze tra le versioni

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==Forme comuni==
=== Corporativismo parentelare ===
[[Kinship]]-based corporatism emphasizing [[clan]], ethnic, and family identification has been a common phenomenon in [[Africa]], [[Asia]], and [[Latin America]]. [[Confucianism|Confucian]] societies based upon families and clans in East Asia and Southeast Asia have been considered types of corporatism. [[China]] has strong elements of [[clan corporatism]] in its society involving legal norms concerning family relations.<ref>Bao-Er. ''China's Neo-traditional Rights of the Child.'' Blaxland, Australia: Lulu.com, 2006. Pp. 19.</ref> [[Islam]]ic societies often feature strong clans which form the basis for a community-based corporatist society.<ref name="Wiarda, Howard J 1996. Pp. 10"/>
 
===Corporativismo nella Chiesa cattolica===
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From the 1850s onward [[Progressivism|progressive]] corporatism developed in response to [[classical liberalism]] and [[Marxism]].<ref name="Wiarda, Howard J. 1996. Pp. 35"/> These corporatists supported providing group rights to members of the middle classes and working classes in order to secure cooperation among the classes. This was in opposition to the Marxist conception of [[class conflict]]. By the 1870s and 1880s, corporatism experienced a revival in Europe with the creation of workers' unions that were committed to negotiations with employers.<ref name="Wiarda, Howard J. 1996. Pp. 35"/>
 
[[Ferdinand Tönnies]] in his work ''[[Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft|Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft]]'' ("Community and Society") of 1887 began a major revival of corporatist philosophy associated with the development of [[Neo-medievalism]] and increased promotion of [[guild socialism]], and causing major changes of theoretical [[sociology]]. Tönnies claims that [[Organicism|organic]] communities based upon clans, communes, families, and professional groups are disrupted by the mechanical society of economic classes imposed by capitalism.<ref name="Peter F. Klarén 1986. Pp. 221">Peter F. Klarén, Thomas J. Bossert. ''Promise of development: theories of change in Latin America.'' Boulder, Colorado, USA: Westview Press, 1986. Pp. 221.</ref> The National Socialists used Tönnies' theory to promote their notion of ''[[Volksgemeinschaft]]'' ("people's community").<ref>Francis Ludwig Carsten, Hermann Graml. ''The German resistance to Hitler''. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press. Pp. 93</ref> However Tönnies opposed [[Nazism]] and joined the [[Social Democratic Party of Germany]] in 1932 to oppose fascism in Germany and was deprived of his honorary professorship by [[Adolf Hitler]] in 1933.<ref>Ferdinand Tönnies, José Harris. ''Community and civil society''. Cambride University Press, 2001 (first edition in 1887 as ''Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft''). Pp. xxxii-xxxiii.</ref>
 
====Solidarismo di corporazione====
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====Corporativismo liberale====
The idea of [[liberal corporatism]] has also been attributed to English liberal philosopher [[John Stuart Mill]] who discussed corporatist-like economic associations as needing to "predominate" in society to create equality for labourers and give them influence with management by [[economic democracy]].<ref>Gregg, Samuel. ''The commercial society: foundations and challenges in a global age''. Lanham, USA; Plymouth, UK: Lexington Books, 2007. Pp. 109</ref> Unlike some other types of corporatism, liberal corporatism does not reject capitalism or [[individualism]], but believes that the capitalist companies are social institutions that should require their managers to do more than maximize [[net income]], by recognizing the needs of their employees.<ref name="Waring, Stephen P. 1994. Pp. 193">Waring, Stephen P. ''Taylorism Transformed: Scientific Management Theory Since 1945''. University of North Carolina Press, 1994. Pp. 193.</ref>
 
This liberal corporatist ethic is similar to [[Taylorism]] but endorses democratization of capitalist companies. Liberal corporatists believe that inclusion of all members in the election of management in effect reconciles "ethics and efficiency, freedom and order, liberty and rationality".<ref name="Waring, Stephen P. 1994. Pp. 193"/> Liberal corporatism began to gain disciples in the [[United States]] during the late 19th century.<ref name="Wiarda, Howard J. 1996. Pp. 35"/>
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A popular slogan of the Italian Fascists under Mussolini was, "Tutto nello Stato, niente al di fuori dello Stato, nulla contro lo Stato" ("everything for the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state").
 
This prospect of Italian fascist corporatism claimed to be the direct heir of [[Georges Sorel]]'s [[Sorelianism|revolutionary syndicalism]], such that each interest was to form as its own entity with separate organizing parameters according to their own standards, only however within the corporative model of Italian fascism each was supposed to be incorporated through the auspices and organizing ability of a statist construct. This was by their reasoning the only possible way to achieve such a function, i.e., when resolved in the capability of an indissoluble state. Much of the corporatist influence upon Italian Fascism was partly due to the Fascists' attempts to gain endorsement by the [[Roman Catholic Church]] that itself sponsored corporatism.<ref name="Morgan, Philip 2003. P. 170">Morgan, Philip. ''Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945''. Routledge, 2003. PPp. 170.</ref>
 
However fascism's corporatism was a top-down model of state control over the economy while the Roman Catholic Church's corporatism favoured a bottom-up corporatism, whereby groups such as families and professional groups would voluntarily work together.<ref name="Morgan, Philip 2003. PPp. 170" /><ref>Lewis, Paul H. ''Authoritarian regimes in Latin America: dictators, despots, and tyrants''. Lanham, Maryland, USA: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc, 2006. Pp. 131. "Fascism differed from Catholic corporatism by assigning the state the role of final arbiter, in the event that employer and labor syndicates failed to agree."</ref> The fascist state corporatism (of Roman Catholic Italy) influenced the governments and economies of a not only other Roman Catholic-majority countries, such as the governments of [[Engelbert Dollfuss]] in [[Austria]] and [[António de Oliveira Salazar]] in [[Portugal]], but also [[Konstantin Päts]] and [[Kārlis Ulmanis]] in non-Catholic [[Estonia]] and [[Latvia]]. Fascists in non-Catholic countries also supported Italian Fascist corporatism, including [[Oswald Mosley]] of the [[British Union of Fascists]] who commended corporatism and said that "it means a nation organized as the human body, with each organ performing its individual function but working in harmony with the whole".<ref name="Robert Eccleshall 1994. P. 208">Robert Eccleshall, Vincent Geoghegan, Richard Jay, Michael Kenny, Iain Mackenzie, Rick Wilford. ''Political Ideologies: An Introduction''. 2nd ed. Routledge, 1994. P. 208.</ref> Mosley also considered corporatism as an attack on [[laissez-faire]] economics and "international finance".<ref name="Robert Eccleshall 1994. P. 208" />
 
The corporatist state Salazar [[Estado Novo (Portugal)|established in Portugal]] was not associated with Mussolini—quite the opposite; he banished the fascist party in Portugal and distanced himself from all of Europe's fascist regimes. Portugal during Salazar's reign was considered "Catholic Corporatism". Portugal remained neutral throughout World War II. Salazar also had a strong dislike of Marxism and Liberalism.
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By establishing itself as the arbiter of legitimacy and assigning responsibility for a particular [[constituency]] with one sole organization, the state limits the number of players with which it must negotiate its policies and co-opts their leadership into policing their own members. This arrangement is not limited to economic organizations such as business groups and social organizations.
 
The use of corporatism as a framework to understand the central state's behaviour in China has been criticized by authors such as Bruce Gilley and William Hurst.<ref>Bruce Gilley (2011) "[http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10670564.2011.565181#.UhTA27FzZrQ Paradigms of Chinese Politics: Kicking Society Back Out]", ''Journal of Contemporary China'' 20(70).</ref><ref>William Hurst (2007). "The City as the Focus: The Analysis of Contemporary Chinese Urban Politics’, ''China Information'' 20(30).</ref> Other scholars such as Jennifer Hsu and Reza Hasmath have argued the framework is still useful for analyzing China's local state behaviour and its engagement with social actors.<ref>Jennifer Hsu and Reza Hasmath (2014) “[http://ssrn.com/abstract=2211248 The Local Corporatist State and NGO Relations in China]”, ''Journal of Contemporary China'' 23(87).</ref><ref>Jennifer Hsu and Reza Hasmath (2013) ''The [http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415640725/ Chinese Corporatist State: Adaptation, Survival and Resistance]''. New York: Routledge.</ref><ref>Reza Hasmath and Jennifer Hsu (2009) ''[http://www.palgrave.com/page/detail/china-in-an-era-of-transition-reza-hasmath/?K=9780230613508 China in an Era of Transition: Understanding Contemporary State and Society Actors]''. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.</ref>
 
====Corporativismo russo====
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"The process of this state evolving into a new corporativist (sic) model reached its completion in 2005. ... The strengthening of the corporativist state model and setting up favorable conditions for quasi-state monopolies by the state itself hurt the economy. ... Cabinet members or key Presidential Staff executives chairing corporation boards or serving on those boards are the order of the day in Russia. In what Western country—except in the corporativist state that lasted for 20 years in Italy—is such a phenomenon possible? Which, actually, proves that the term 'corporativist' properly applies to Russia today."<ref name=time>[http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1145192,00.html "Q&A: Putin's Critical Adviser"]. By Yuri Zarakhovich. December 31, 2005. ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'' magazine.</ref> </blockquote>
 
All [[political power]]s and most important economic [[asset]]s in the country are controlled by former [[state security]] officials ("[[silovik]]s"), according to some researchers.<ref name="Takeover"/> The takeover of Russian state and economic assets has been allegedly accomplished by a clique of [[Political groups during Vladimir Putin's presidency|Putin's close associates and friends]]<ref name="Glinski">[http://www.csis.org/media/csis/pubs/pm_0147.pdf The Essence of Putinism: The Strengthening of the Privatized State] by Dmitri Glinski Vassiliev, [[Center for Strategic and International Studies]], November 2000</ref> who gradually became a leading group of [[Russian oligarch]]s and who "seized control over the financial, media and administrative resources of the Russian state"<ref>[http://eng.globalaffairs.ru/numbers/7/521.html What is ‘Putinism’?], by Andranik Migranyan, ''Russia in Global affairs'', 13 April 2004</ref> and [[Vladimir Putin legislation and program|restricted democratic freedoms]] and [[Human rights in Russia|human rights]]<ref name="Takeover">[http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850600500483699 ''The Chekist Takeover of the Russian State''], Anderson, Julie (2006), International Journal of Intelligence and Counter-Intelligence, 19:2, 237 - 288.</ref>
 
Illarionov described the present situation in Russia as a new socio-political order, "distinct from any seen in our country before". In this model, members of the Corporation of Intelligence Service Collaborators [Russian abbreviation KSSS] took over the entire body of state power, follow an [[omerta]]-like behavior code, and "are given instruments conferring power over others – membership “perks”, such as the right to carry and use weapons". According to Illarionov, this "Corporation has seized key government agencies – the Tax Service, [[Ministry of Defence (Russia)|Ministry of Defense]], [[Ministry of Foreign Affairs]], [[Duma|Parliament]], and the [[Media freedom in Russia|government-controlled mass media]] – which are now used to advance the interests of KSSS members. Through these agencies, every significant resource of the country – security/intelligence, political, economic, informational and financial – is being monopolized in the hands of Corporation members"<ref name="Illarionov">[http://ej.ru/comments/entry/6735/ Andrei Illarionov: Approaching Zimbabwe (Russian)] [http://www.robertamsterdam.com/2007/04/andrei_illarionov_approaching.htm Partial English translation] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070705011725/http://www.robertamsterdam.com/2007/04/andrei_illarionov_approaching.htm |date=5 luglio 2007 }}</ref>